Talos Energy Announces Successful Drilling Results at the Katmai West #2 Well in the U.S. Gulf of Mexico

Energy News Beat

HOUSTONJan. 15, 2025 /PRNewswire/ — Talos Energy Inc. (“Talos” or the “Company”) (NYSE: TALO) today announced that the Katmai West #2 well located in the Ewing Bank area of the U.S Gulf of Mexico successfully encountered commercial quantities of oil and natural gas.

Talos Energy
(PRNewsfoto/Talos Energy)

Key Highlights

  • The Katmai West #2 well was drilled significantly under budget and ahead of schedule to a true vertical depth of approximately 27,000 feet.
  • Encountered the primary target sand full-to-base with over 400 feet of gross hydrocarbon pay and excellent rock properties in line with pre-drill expectations.
  • Expected deliverability from the well is in line with pre-drill estimates of approximately 15 – 20 thousand barrels of oil equivalent per day (“MBoe/d”) gross.
  • The strong performance from Katmai West #1 well, and the successful appraisal from Katmai West #2 well, have nearly doubled the Proved EUR (estimated ultimate recovery) of Katmai West field to approximately 50 million barrels of oil equivalent (“MMBoe”) gross, which further affirms the company’s expected total resource potential of approximately 100 MMBoe gross.
  • First production is expected in the late second quarter 2025.

The drillship West Vela began drilling the Katmai West #2 well in late October 2024. Talos plans to case and suspend the well by late January 2025 while the Company finalizes completion plans to be executed in the second quarter 2025. Production is expected to start later that same quarter. The well will be connected to the existing subsea infrastructure that flows to the Tarantula facility, which has been expanded to increase capacity to 35 MBoe/d. Talos anticipates the Katmai wells will be rate-constrained under the upgraded capacity, allowing for extended flat-to-low decline production from the facility. Talos, as operator, holds a 50% working interest, with entities managed by Ridgewood Energy Corporation holding the other 50% in Katmai West field. Talos is the 100% owner and operator of the Tarantula facility.

Talos’s Interim Co-President, Executive Vice President and Head of Operations John Spath stated, “We are proud of our team for achieving these successful drilling results. Delivering this high-impact deepwater well, approximately 35% under budget and more than a month ahead of schedule, demonstrates our ability to efficiently execute complex projects while maintaining top safety and environmental standards. We remain optimistic about the greater Katmai area, as these results align with our pre-drill expectations about its gross resource potential. We look forward to having this well on production and believe it positions us for strong value creation as we move forward into 2025.”

ABOUT TALOS ENERGY

Talos Energy (NYSE: TALO) is a technically driven, innovative, independent energy company focused on maximizing long-term value through its Upstream Exploration & Production business in the United States Gulf of Mexico and offshore Mexico. We leverage decades of technical and offshore operational expertise to acquire, explore, and produce assets in key geological trends while maintaining a focus on safe and efficient operations, environmental responsibility, and community impact. For more information, visit www.talosenergy.com.

INVESTOR RELATIONS CONTACT

Clay Jeansonne
[email protected]

CAUTIONARY STATEMENT ABOUT FORWARD-LOOKING STATEMENTS

This communication may contain “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933, as amended (the “Securities Act”), and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended. All statements, other than statements of historical fact included in this communication, regarding our strategy, future operations, financial position, estimated revenues and losses, projected costs, prospects, plans and objectives of management are forward-looking statements. When used in this communication, the words “will,” “could,” “believe,” “anticipate,” “intend,” “estimate,” “expect,” “project,” “forecast,” “may,” “objective,” “plan” and similar expressions are intended to identify forward-looking statements, although not all forward-looking statements contain such identifying words. These forward-looking statements are based on our current expectations and assumptions about future events and are based on currently available information as to the outcome and timing of future events.

We caution you that these forward-looking statements are subject to numerous risks and uncertainties, most of which are difficult to predict and many of which are beyond our control. These risks include, but are not limited to, the successful development of and production from the prospects described herein; the uncertainty inherent in estimating reserves, resource potential and reservoir performance; the outcome of exploration and drilling efforts; environmental risks; drilling, geologic and other operating risks; the profitability and results of wells described herein; timely completion of development projects; technical or operating factors; the uncertainty inherent in projecting future rates of production and cash flows; our access to capital to finance such opportunities; implementing a successful drilling program and the other risks discussed in “Risk Factors” in our Annual Report on Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 2023 and “Risk Factors” in our subsequent Quarterly Reports on Forms 10-Q filed with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (the “SEC”).

Should one or more of the risks or uncertainties described herein occur, or should underlying assumptions prove incorrect, our actual results and plans could differ materially from those expressed in any forward-looking statements. All forward-looking statements, expressed or implied, included in this communication are expressly qualified in their entirety by this cautionary statement. This cautionary statement should also be considered in connection with any subsequent written or oral forward-looking statements that we or persons acting on our behalf may issue. Except as otherwise required by applicable law, we disclaim any duty to update any forward-looking statements, all of which are expressly qualified by the statements in this section, to reflect events or circumstances after the date of this communication.

PRODUCTION ESTIMATES

Estimates for our future production volumes are based on assumptions of capital expenditure levels and the assumption that market demand and prices for oil and gas will continue at levels that allow for economic production of these products. The production, transportation, marketing and storage of oil and gas are subject to disruption due to transportation, processing and storage availability, mechanical failure, human error, hurricanes and numerous other factors. Our estimates are based on certain other assumptions, such as well performance, which may vary significantly from those assumed. Therefore, we can give no assurance that our future production volumes will be as estimated.

RESERVE INFORMATION

Estimates of recoverable hydrocarbon volumes and related measures, including estimates of total resource potential, as presented herein are based on internal data prepared by the Company’s management team in reliance on several assumptions. Reserve engineering is a process of estimating underground accumulations of oil, natural gas and NGLs that cannot be measured in an exact way. The accuracy of any reserve estimate depends on the quality of available data, the interpretation of such data and price and cost assumptions made by reserve engineers. In addition, the results of drilling, testing and production activities may justify revisions upward or downward of estimates that were made previously. If significant, such revisions would change the schedule of any further production and development drilling. Accordingly, reserve estimates may differ significantly from the quantities of oil, natural gas and NGLs that are ultimately recovered. In addition, we use the term expected “total recoverable resource” in this release, which is not a measure of “reserves” prepared in accordance with SEC guidelines or permitted to be included in SEC filings. These resource estimates are inherently more uncertain than estimates of reserves prepared in accordance with SEC guidelines.

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SOURCE Talos Energy

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U.S. Shale’s Capital Discipline Outweighs Trump’s Pro-Growth Rhetoric

Energy News BeatPump Jacks in the Permian Basin created by Grok on X

  • US shale producers are focused on capital discipline and shareholder returns, limiting the impact of Trump’s pro-oil policies.
  • Increased Permian rig activity is unlikely to significantly boost oil production due to inventory depletion and efficiency concerns.
  • The US is already on track to meet Bessent’s 3-3-3 hydrocarbon production target without policy changes, driven by NGLs and gas.

Although corporate executives in the shale industry may be encouraged by the supportive rhetoric of President-elect Donald Trump and his incoming administration, a potential crude oil oversupply and a stagnation in well productivity mean they are less likely to boost drilling budgets. Operators are likely to cut back on Lower 48 drilling if prices stay below $70 per barrel. Industry heavyweights such as Chevron and Diamondback have guided for more modest budgets and slower-to-flat production growth next year. For now, ‘Shale 4.0’ priorities, which emphasize capital discipline to prioritize shareholder payouts and inventory consolidation are expected to outweigh ‘Trump 2.0’ policy considerations in US producers’ boardrooms. Rystad Energy finds that in a scenario where Permian rigs rise by 60 more per month higher compared to current projections and reach post-Covid-19 highs, we could see a production upside of 343,000 barrels of oil per day by the second half of 2026, relative to our current forecast. However, this growth would come at the expense of a spike in capital spending of more than $11 billion, while Permian reinvestment rates are also expected to edge higher by nine percentage points.

There is some hope that an unabashedly pro-oil and gas administration could break the current investor paradigm and encourage a new era of exploration and growth. However, the overriding issue is that without the consistent productivity improvements that allowed for investors to effectively subsidize the shale boom during the 2010s, investors and lenders will be unlikely to await longer-term payback while capital efficiency degrades.

Figure 1 looks at Rystad Energy’s current annual forecast for oil, natural gas liquids (NGLs) and gas in the entire US from 2024-2028. Scott Bessent, tapped by President-elect Trump to serve as his Treasury Secretary, floated an increase of output by “3 million barrels of oil equivalent per day (boepd)” as part of a broader “3-3-3” economic plan. There has been some ambiguity around the reporting of Bessent’s plan and whether it refers to only the growth of oil or across all hydrocarbons. Rystad Energy notes that, if this is in reference to all hydrocarbon production, the US is already on track to surpass this metric in 2027 based on current market fundamentals and company strategies, barring any policy changes. In our base case outlook, total output will grow in the US by 3.3 million boepd from full-year 2024 averages to full-year 2027. However, an important caveat here is that the 6:1 volumetric-equivalent between oil and dry gas means that gas volumes, which already have a more optimistic medium-term price outlook than oil, average higher current output in oil-equivalent terms than oil and are on track to grow by 1.72 million boepd through 2027. NGLs have the highest compounded annual growth rate (CAGR) among hydrocarbons, of 3.2% between 2024-2027, bringing an additional 625,000 boepd.

To evaluate any realistic growth in just oil volumes in the medium term, Figure 2 looks at an excess rig scenario in which rig activity in the Permian increased 60 above our current outlook through 2025. While this is highly unrealistic in the current price environment and corporate strategy paradigm, it is meant as a purely theoretical exercise to see what level of growth would be possible. Moreover, we have seen that operators exhibit little upwards price sensitivity in the $70-$90 per barrel range, and any increases in activity could come at the expense of other parts of a company’s portfolio. Even so, in the scenario where upward price movement comes on the back of external demand factors such as the occurrence of macroeconomic or geopolitical shocks, or if executives were willing to ramp up activity and pursue Trump’s desire for more drilling, we explore what output would look like.

First, we limit the theoretical potential rig increase in the Permian to 60, which would surpass post-Covid-19 highs set in early 2023 if achieved. Inventory depletion, consolidation, service market high-grading and improved efficiencies make any medium-term increase beyond this extremely unlikely even in the most optimistic price scenarios. Moreover, for this analysis, we assume that any additions would come from the Permian, rather than being distributed across less commercial, second tier basins such as Bakken, DJ and Eagle Ford. One plausible scenario could see smaller private exploration and production (E&P) companies, that are left to fringier positions and with limited remaining inventories, choose to increase drilling while prices remain somewhat commercial, rather than waiting for a sale in a market where buyers are seeking scale in the core. Therefore, for this analysis, we use a 25th percentile 2023-2024 vintage Permian type curve. This is reasonable for the aforementioned reason, as well as the fact that it is extremely unlikely that any of the larger Permian players will willingly drain core, lower-cost inventory in the short term in such a situation. Next, Figure 2 projects the production from new wells (PUD) output of 60 more rigs (shown in blue) on top of our current base case outlook for the Permian. This assumes 1.75 spuds per rigmonth, a six-month spud-to-start-up cycle time and a gradual buildup of rigs over 2025.
By Matthew Bernstein Vice President, Shale Research at Rystad Energy 
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China and India Scramble for Crude as Sanctioned Russian Tankers Turn Back

Energy News Beat

By Julian Lee, Serene Cheong and Alex Longley (Bloomberg) —

The most aggressive Western sanctions imposed on Russia’s oil sector since Moscow’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine threaten to disrupt global supply as buyers — led by China and India — scour the Middle East for alternative suppliers. Some estimates suggest the measures could halve Russian oil exports and their introduction has driven up Brent futures by as much as $5 a barrel in recent days.

On Jan. 10 the US Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control sanctioned 161 tankers and traders involved in about 2,000 shipments since the invasion began. It also acted against Moscow-based ship insurers and two companies — Surgutneftgas and Gazpromneft — which in the first 10 months of last year accounted for almost 30% of Russia’s oil exports.

Some vessels have already come to a standstill while others are turning away from the Russian ports they were supposed to collect cargoes from, according to vessel tracking data from Bloomberg News. These erratic movements over the past week are an indication of the impact of the latest round of sanctions, said Edward Fishman, senior research scholar at Columbia University and author of an upcoming book on the use of sanctions as a form of economic warfare.

“It’s even likelier that there will be a sustained market disruption,” Fishman added. “We could see a meaningful drop in Russian exports.”

Oil traders are now asking how meaningful the fall might be?

The 161 tankers affected by the Jan. 10 measures could transport about 1.4 million barrels a day of oil according to an estimate from the London-based EA Gibson Shipbrokers Ltd. That equates to almost half of Russia’s seaborne crude exports, vessel tracking by Bloomberg shows. Macquarie Group estimates the impact could be even greater with as many as 2.15 million barrels a day of oil exports potentially lost, driving up prices. The Macquarie figure’s almost three times bigger than the global supply surplus predicted by the International Energy Agency for this year.

Additionally, oil grades that require specialist vessels are at risk of a near shutdown if Moscow can’t find workarounds, Bloomberg tracking of the sanctioned ships’ prior movements shows.

Russia has previously confounded expectations of disruption to its supply. There were widespread predictions that its flows would plunge shortly after the invasion of Ukraine as traditional buyers stepped back. Instead, flows largely held up and despite some fluctuations have done so ever since, partly due to the limited nature of the earlier rounds of sanctions which have been criticized by some.

To carry on trading Moscow has employed a collection of so-called shadow-fleet tankers: aging vessels that often operate without known owners and insurers, flying the flags of countries deemed less-safe by the shipping industry. But the Jan. 10 measures almost doubled the number of vessels sanctioned by either the US, European Union or UK increasing it from 143 to 265.

China and India — which have bought 81% of Russia’s seaborne crude exports since the invasion of Ukraine — have always been careful to avoid breaching US sanctions up to now.

Lars Barstad, the chief executive officer of Frontline Management AS, operator of one of the world’s largest supertanker fleets, said Russia will be confronted with a months-long logistical challenge.

“This is a major disruption,” he said. “Temporarily, they will have a logistical issue, especially as China and India appear to be adhering to US OFAC listings.”

China and India go Shopping for Oil

Buyers in both Asian nations have been asking producers in the Middle East including Saudi Arabia, Iraq, the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait to provide more oil, according to officials in those countries. But finding additional barrels would be difficult given that these countries have made commitments to OPEC+ — in which Moscow is a leading force — to keep supply restrained.

In a sign of a more-urgent need for barrels, China’s state owned refiners and larger independents have been frantically seeking out crude and selected so-called prompt barrels for more-immediate loading, according to traders. It’s been a similar picture for India’s state-owned plants, a critical source of buying of seaborne Russian cargoes, they said.

Sanctioned tankers were still delivering to ports in both China and India this week but New Delhi has warned that any designated vessels will only be allowed to deliver cargoes if they were loaded before Jan. 10 and discharged no later than March 12. After that, the ships will be off limits.

Some vessels heading to collect fresh loads are starting to abandon their voyages. At least five of the 77 ocean-going crude carriers — excluding the shuttle tankers tied to specific projects — sanctioned by OFAC have abandoned the journeys they were on at the time. The Atlas, Heng Tai and Venture were all heading to the Baltic when they made U-turns off the western coast of Europe and headed toward the Mediterranean.

In the Pacific, the Himalayan and the Salty Wolf both stopped journeys to the Russian port of Kozmino on Jan. 12. The Himalayan moved to waters off China’s Shandong province where it anchored. The Salty Wolf was last seen on Wednesday heading toward Singapore.

The measures have also made tankers not targeted by OFAC wary: two unsanctioned vessels heading toward the Arctic port of Murmansk — where both storage ships and all the shuttle tankers that fill them have been designated — turned round close to the Norwegian city of Tromso shortly after the measures were announced. They are now heading for the Baltic.

The Trump Effect

Amid speculation that the incoming Trump administration could dilute the Russian measures, Scott Bessent, the nominee for Treasury secretary, said Jan. 16 that he supported dialing up the sanctions on the Russian oil industry to help bring an end to the Ukraine conflict.

“I will be a 100% on-board for taking sanctions up,” especially on Russian oil majors, he said at a senate hearing. “I believe that the sanctions were not fulsome enough.”

What will matter for oil supply is implementation and enforcement. If the measures force Russia to sell its oil at deep discounts, then the incentive to work around the sanctions will increase.

Adi Imsirovic, a veteran oil trader who has been critical of the effectiveness of Western sanctions on Russia, said the Jan. 10 measures showed that the outgoing administration had finally taken action to hurt the Kremlin.

“Biden allowed the Russians to work around the problem for two years,” said Imsirovic, who is now the director of Surrey Clean Energy. The impact of these “sanctions will depend on implementation, but they can be fairly effective.”

© 2025 Bloomberg L.P.

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Ukraine threatening new European energy crisis – Orban

Energy News Beat

[[{“value”:”

Hungarian PM has accused Kiev and Washington of jeopardizing energy security across Europe

Ukraine threatening new European energy crisis – OrbanUkraine threatening new European energy crisis – Orban

Ukraine’s decision to block gas transit and the outgoing White House administration’s latest sanctions on Russian oil are driving Europe toward a new energy crisis, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban warned.

Orban made the remarks on Saturday in Belgrade, where he met Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic to discuss “the security of energy supply in the two countries” and the broader region. In a video message aired on Hungarian television, Orban described rising fuel prices as a significant threat to public well-being and the economy, calling the situation “simply outrageous.”

“In recent days, unfavorable developments have occurred in Europe’s energy supply. The Ukrainians have shut down the pipeline through which gas was supplied to Hungary, and the outgoing US administration has introduced measures that have raised energy prices in Europe as well,” Orban said.

“What is happening now at Hungarian gas stations is outrageous, perhaps even infuriating,” he added. “Europe is hurtling toward an energy crisis, and Hungary must find a way to stay out of it, which is not easy.”

Orban emphasized the importance of protecting the TurkStream pipeline, which supplies gas to Hungary via Serbia and was recently attacked by Ukrainian drones targeting a compressor station in Russia.

“Our task now is to protect the only remaining gas pipeline that brings gas from Russian territory to Hungary. This pipeline arrives in Hungary through Serbia, and it is in our shared interest to defend it together,” Orban said. He added that safeguarding the pipeline is crucial for protecting Hungarian families, households, and businesses from rising energy prices.

Ukraine refused to renew a five-year gas transit contract with Gazprom at the end of 2024, cutting off Russian pipeline gas supplies to Hungary, Romania, Poland, Slovakia, Austria, Italy, and Moldova. Hungary now relies on the TurkStream pipeline—a critical energy corridor transporting natural gas from Russia to Türkiye under the Black Sea.


READ MORE:
EU ‘worried’ by attempted Ukrainian attack on gas system

The pipeline consists of two sections: one serves Ankara’s domestic needs, while the other transports gas to Bulgaria. This Balkan route then extends to Serbia and Hungary, connecting other EU states to Russian natural gas supplies. Currently, it is the only route supplying Russian natural gas to southern and southeastern Europe, bypassing Ukraine.

Last weekend, Kiev targeted the compressor station in Russia’s Krasnodar Region, which supplies gas to TurkStream. According to the Russian Defense Ministry, the attack involved nine kamikaze drones and was largely thwarted, but one fixed-wing drone crashed close to a gas meter and caused minor damage.

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov accused Kiev of continuing its policy of “energy terrorism.” Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov suggested that the US may have been involved in an attempt to sabotage the gas facility, stating, “I have a firm belief that the US needs no competitor in any fields, starting with energy.”

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The Big Cities with the Biggest Price Declines of Single-Family Houses or Condos from their Peaks: From -9% to -21%

Energy News BeatPrice

Austin, Oakland, New Orleans, San Francisco, Washington D.C., New York City, Detroit, Seattle, Portland, Tampa.

By Wolf Richter for WOLF STREET.

We talk a lot about “home prices in the US” – rising or falling or whatever, as if the US were one monolithic market. But the US spans a vast number of housing markets that all dance to their own drummer, though they all share some underlying themes. The long-running Wolf Street series, The Most Splendid Housing Bubbles of America, currently charts 33 of the largest metropolitan areas with the highest home prices. Those metros are huge and diverse. Some cover parts of several states and comprise multiple counties.

So here are the largest cities – not metros – with the biggest price declines from their respective peaks in 2021, 2022, or 2023, for single-family houses and separately for condos and co-ops.

The double-digit decliners: For single-family houses, 4 of those cities have price declines between 15% and 19% from their respective peaks in mid-2022. For condos and co-ops, 6 of these cities have prices declines between 12% and 21%.

These prices here are seasonally adjusted and a three-month moving average to iron out the month-to-month squiggles. They’re part of the Zillow Home Value Index (ZHVI) data, based on the Zillow Database of All Homes. These are not median prices.

The biggest cities with the biggest price declines of single-family houses.

The metrics include: price decline from their peak, change from prior month (MoM), change year-over-year (YoY), and increase since January 2000.

Austin, City, Single-Family Home Prices
From Jun 2022 peak MoM YoY Since 2000
-19.2% -0.5% -3.4% 182.6%

Despite this big fast drop, prices are only back where they’d first been during the price explosion in June 2021. Easy come, easy go here, but prices are downward sticky. They exploded by 38% in two years. And then, in two-and-a-half years, prices gave up only about half of that:

Oakland, City, Single-Family Home Prices
From May 2022 peak MoM YoY Since 2000
-17.2% -0.3% -4.3% 312.7%

Prices are back where they’d first been in October 2020. Between June 2012 and the peak in May 2022, prices had tripled, which is nuts.

New Orleans, City, Single-Family Home Prices
From Jun 2022 peak MoM YoY  Since 2007
-16.7% 0.2% -4.5% 86%

Prices are back where they’d first been in October 2020. Hurricane Katrina, which wiped out a portion of the city in August 2005, coincided with the beginning of the housing bust, and so we left this area blank.

San Francisco, City, Single-Family Home Prices
From May 2022 peak MoM YoY Since 2000
-15.2% 0.3% 2.1% 237%

Prices are now back to where they had first been in mid-2018. That was over six years ago:

Washington D.C., City, Single-Family Home Prices
From Jun 2022 MoM YoY Since 2000
-8.8% -0.2% -2.2% 288%

Back to December 2020.

The biggest cities with the biggest price declines of condos and co-ops.

Austin, City, Condo Prices
From Jun 2022 peak MoM YoY Since 2000
-21.0% -0.6% -6.1% 124.8%

OK, this is moving pretty fast, not very downward sticky.

Oakland, City, Condo Home Prices
From May 2022 peak MoM YoY Since 2000
-18.6% -0.5% -7.1% 186.1%

Back to 2016.

San Francisco, City, Condo Prices
From May 2022 peak MoM YoY Since 2000
-14.6% 0.1% -1.5% 144%

Back to April 2015. Condo prices had doubled in the four years between 2012 and 2016. But the sky is not the limit, not even in San Francisco. In the City of San Francisco, condo sales are the majority of the market.

Detroit, City, Condo Prices
From Sep 2021 peak MoM YoY Since 2000
-13.1% -0.6% -3.8% 273.7%

In the process of revisiting 2018.

New York City Condo Prices
From Jul 2022 MoM YoY Since 2000
-12.7% 0.8% 3.1% 219%

Got a little bit of excitement going on in here. Maybe the huge stock market rally, the surge in bond and leveraged loan deals, and all the other things that produce huge bonuses for Wall Street workers.

New Orleans, City, Condo Prices
From Jun 2022 peak MoM YoY Since 2000
-11.7% 0.1% -7.0% 101.6%

Seattle, City Condo Prices
From May 2022 peak MoM YoY Since 2000
-9.5% -0.1% -1.6% 148.4%

Back to November 2017.

Portland, City, Condo Prices
From May 2022 peak MoM YoY Since 2000
-9.0% -0.2% -4.0% 119%

Back to 2016.

Tampa, City, Condo Prices
From Jul 2022 peak MoM YoY Since 2000
-8.8% -0.6% -6.1% 301.0%

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Days before Trump takes office, Brayton Point loses $300 million offshore wind cable plant development project

Energy News Beat

Days before Trump takes office, Brayton Point loses $300 million offshore wind cable plant development project

THE ITALIAN COMPANY seeking to build a cable manufacturing plant at Brayton Point in Somerset, Massachusetts, pulled the plug on the $300 million project Friday, dealing a major blow to offshore wind development on the East Coast as well as the economic prospects of the small South Coast town.

The Prysmian Group spent nearly three years obtaining all the necessary state and local permits, including beating back a regulatory challenge brought by a handful of neighbors of Brayton Point. But ultimately the company decided to walk away from the project just days before Donald Trump, who has vowed to shut down the offshore wind industry in the United States, takes office.

Trump’s hardline stance on offshore wind is also reverberating in ongoing contract talks between Massachusetts utilities and two offshore wind developers – Avangrid and Ocean Winds. With Trump’s inauguration creating a great deal of uncertainty about the future of offshore wind, the two sides revealed this week that they need more time to reach a deal. Instead of releasing the contracts in February, the deadline has now been pushed back to May.

The deteriorating situation is raising questions about the state’s efforts to make offshore wind the centerpiece of a climate change policy that hinges on electrifying homes and vehicles using carbon-free power. Gov. Maura Healey went all in on offshore wind in a procurement that concluded in September, but that strategy is now in jeopardy as Trump threatens to shut the industry down and impose tariffs on imported products and materials.

Prysmian did not mention Trump in a statement confirming its decision to not exercise an option to purchase land at Brayton Point. The company chalked the decision up to its efforts to align capacity to produce subsea cable with demand for its product.

“As a result of the consideration, including the strong growth opportunities in the US and global cable markets, Prysmian has decided to not proceed with the purchase of the land in Somerset, and therefore will not proceed with the Brayton Point project,” the statement said. “We would like to share our appreciation for the support that we received from the state and local leaders as well as the residents of Somerset while we worked on this project.”

Somerset has been reeling financially ever since two power plants in the community shut down. The Prysmian plant offered the promise of more than 100 jobs and tax revenues that over time were expected to amount to between $8 million and $15 million a year, according to Jamison Souza, the chair of the Somerset Select Board.

“This brings us back to the drawing board. It’s a major blow,” Souza said. “We’re scraping. We’re down to bare bones.”

The St. Louis-based owner of Brayton Point bought the property in 2018 and subsequently imploded and tore down the massive coal-fired power plant there. The firm’s goal was to replace the coal plant with businesses associated with the emerging offshore wind industry, but that plan was put on hold when Trump’s first administration slowed approvals of wind farms to a snail’s pace.

With the vast property sitting empty, the company leased a portion of the space to a company shipping scrapped metal to Turkey. The noise and dust caused by the scrap metal operations angered neighbors of Brayton Point, and prompted a years-long battle to shut the facility down that ended when a state judge sided with the neighbors.

Prysmian signed a deal in 2022 to buy space at Brayton Point for its plant, a move that attracted the attention of President Biden, who came to Somerset to celebrate the community’s shift to renewable energy. “Brayton Point is on the frontier of clean energy in America,” Biden proclaimed.

Now, with Biden stepping down to make way for Trump, the town is going to be forced to start over again.

Source: CommonWealth Beacon

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Super-rich ditching UK – Times

Energy News Beat

One millionaire left the UK every 45 minutes in 2024 after the Labour Party’s tax overhaul, a report says

UK facing mogul exodus – TimesUK facing mogul exodus – Times

Millionaires are leaving the UK in droves since the Labour Party took over last year, The Times reported on Friday. The exodus comes after the government of Prime Minister Keir Starmer confirmed plans to abolish the non-domicile tax regime, which offered significant leeway to wealthy individuals.

In the UK, non-domicile residents only pay taxes on the money they earn in the country, and generally do not have to pay taxes locally on profits they made elsewhere in the world. The regime has allowed wealthy individuals to save money while incentivizing them to stay in the UK. There were around 74,000 ‘non-doms’ in the UK as of 2023, according to official data.

However, the Labour government’s plans to replace the ‘non-dom’ system with a residence-based tax regime have apparently had an impact on their desire to live in the UK. According to data provided to The Times by analytics firm New World Wealth, the UK lost a net of 10,800 millionaires to migration in 2024, a 157% increase compared to 2023.

The outlet added that the actual number of those who left the country is higher because the figure also takes into account wealthy individuals who arrived.

The data means that one millionaire left the UK every 45 minutes after Labour won the election last July, with many moving to Italy, Switzerland, and the UAE, the article says. The UK’s wealthiest echelon was especially inclined to leave, with 78 centimillionaires and 12 billionaires leaving the country last year, according to the data.

In October, the Office for Budget Responsibility estimated that the tax reforms will result in 12-25% of non-doms leaving the country. The Times noted that if a quarter of them do so, it will be a huge blow to the economy. On average, each non-dom paid £800,000 ($970,000) in VAT last year. This category plays a major role in investment and includes typical clients of high-end businesses.

The agency predicted that the changes to the non-domiciled tax regime will raise an average of £2.5 billion a year for the UK budget. However, The Times quoted Oxford Economics as saying the reforms will cost the Treasury nearly £1 billion a year due to a reduction in tax revenue.

Labour has argued that the additional taxes will help fund free school breakfasts, hospitals, and dental care. In July, Chancellor of the Exchequer Rachel Reeves also said Labour inherited from the Tories a budget hole of around £22 billion.

 

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US Treasury to take ‘extraordinary measures’ after Trump inauguration

Energy News Beat

Janet Yellen has told Congress that her department will pause retirement payments in a bid to avoid default

US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen has said her department will take “extraordinary measures” to prevent the US from hitting the national debt limit on Tuesday, one day after President-elect Donald Trump takes office.

In a letter to Congress on Friday, Yellen explained that the US will hit its roughly $36 trillion debt limit between January 14 and January 23, potentially leading to a default.

To avoid this possibility, Yellen said the Treasury Department will use a number of accounting tricks, including pausing payments into civil service retirement accounts until Congress and the president agree to raise the debt ceiling again. Yellen did not say for how long her measures will forestall a default.

The US debt ceiling was raised three times during President Joe Biden’s term in the White House. Last month, Trump pressed House Republicans to include another raise in a stopgap spending bill, but the proposal was ultimately defeated by dozens of fiscal conservatives in the GOP.

Trump has repeatedly said that the debt ceiling should be abolished altogether to avoid such near-yearly showdowns, arguing that the limit – which is intended to restrict government borrowing – is pointless when it is repeatedly raised.

”It doesn’t mean anything, except psychologically,” he told NBC News last month. “The Democrats have said they want to get rid of it. If they want to get rid of it, I would lead the charge.”

Scott Bessent, Trump’s pick to replace Yellen, has said he would work with Congress to repeal the debt ceiling if instructed by Trump.

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Brothers in sanctions: Why the Russia-Iran strategic agreement is important

Energy News Beat

The two nations, both under immense pressure, are together pushing to create a fairer world

The relationship between Russia and Iran is deeply rooted in history, dating back to the 16th century when the two nations first established contact. Despite periods of tension, pragmatism has always been at the core of their interactions. Historically, Russia and Persia (modern-day Iran) faced challenges stemming from territorial disputes, leading to several Russo-Persian wars in the 19th century. However, by the 20th century, especially after World War II, the two nations found common ground in resisting external influence from major powers.

During the Soviet era, relations between the USSR and Iran were complex but steady. In 1921, Iran signed a Treaty of Friendship with the Soviet Union, which became the foundation for resolving bilateral issues. Later, during the Cold War, Iran balanced between the West and the East. However, following the Islamic Revolution in 1979, Iran’s foreign policy shifted toward greater independence from Western countries, breathing new life into its relationship with the Soviet Union. Although the USSR partially supported Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s, the foundation for future cooperation was laid.

With the dissolution of the Soviet Union, relations between Russia and Iran entered a new phase. In the 21st century, both nations recognized the necessity of mutually beneficial cooperation in the face of increasing Western pressure. Geographical proximity, energy significance, and shared views on the need for a multipolar world order became critical factors driving their partnership. Joint projects like the construction of the Bushehr nuclear power plant by Russia’s nuclear energy giant Rosatom symbolized the strengthening of bilateral ties.

A pivotal moment in their relationship came with Russia’s involvement in the Syrian counterterrorism operation, which began on September 30, 2015. Collaborative efforts in Syria marked a significant step toward closer ties. The establishment of the Astana peace talks format (in collaboration with Turkey) facilitated dialogue between conflicting parties in Syria, helping to preserve legitimate governance and achieve temporary stabilization. This coordination highlighted the ability of Russia and Iran to effectively address complex regional issues together.

Today, Russia and Iran demonstrate a high level of cooperation on numerous regional and global matters. Despite differences in approaches and priorities – inevitable for sovereign states with unique national interests – they successfully coordinate their actions. The two countries actively collaborate within frameworks such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), strengthening their positions on the international stage. These platforms provide opportunities to promote a multipolar world order, which both nations advocate. Russia and Iran oppose the destructive dominance of the West and work toward transforming the international system into one that is fairer and more inclusive of all stakeholders.

Energy policy is a vital element of their cooperation. As two of the world’s largest exporters of oil and gas, Russia and Iran are natural partners in shaping the global energy agenda. While challenges remain in their relationship, such as competition in energy markets or differing approaches to certain regional issues, these do not undermine the foundation of their partnership. On the contrary, their ability to overcome disagreements reflects the maturity of their bilateral ties.

The partnership between Russia and Iran in the 21st century underscores the importance of strategic cooperation based on mutual respect and shared goals. Joint efforts to strengthen a multipolar world, counter external pressures, and create new frameworks for interaction – such as the North-South Corridor – demonstrate their serious intentions. This partnership is expected to deepen further, fostering regional stability and creating new opportunities for both nations.

How it all happened

The signing of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Agreement between Russia and Iran marks a significant milestone in strengthening bilateral relations, laying, as Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian noted, “a solid foundation for future development.” Before the visit to Moscow, the Iranian side conducted a thorough review of previously reached agreements, identifying “minor errors and delays” that were addressed proactively. These efforts underscore the seriousness of both nations’ intentions and their readiness to resolve challenges constructively. During the meeting, ministers discussed matters that remain “on the agenda,” with Pezeshkian expressing confidence that all issues, including finalizing agreements on constructing new units of a nuclear power plant, would be successfully resolved.

After three hours of discussions, the heads of state held a signing ceremony for the agreement and delivered statements to the press. Russian President Vladimir Putin emphasized that strengthening relations with Iran is a priority for Russia. Recalling his meetings with Pezeshkian in 2024, including at the BRICS summit in Kazan, Putin highlighted that the agreement is aimed at deepening cooperation and creating conditions for further development of bilateral interactions.

This step not only reaffirms the mutual interest in a strategic partnership but also reflects a shared ambition to establish a sustainable model of cooperation amidst growing international pressure. Such an approach minimizes external risks and bolsters the sovereignty of both nations, solidifying their positions on the global stage.

The energy sector emerged as a central focus of the agreements. Putin announced that Rosatom is working on a project to construct two new units for the Bushehr nuclear power plant in Iran. This initiative not only strengthens bilateral ties but also showcases Russia’s technological capabilities on a global scale. Implementing such projects requires substantial resources and a high level of trust, highlighting the strategic importance of their collaboration.

Another key aspect is the development of the North-South International Transport Corridor. The construction of the Rasht-Astara railway line is a crucial component of this project, linking the logistics networks of Russia and Belarus with Iran’s ports in the Persian Gulf. This initiative will not only enhance trade infrastructure but also strengthen the economic independence of both countries from traditional maritime routes.

The negotiations also addressed pressing international issues, including Middle Eastern crises. According to Putin, “on most foreign policy matters, Iran and Russia share aligned positions.” Particular attention was given to the situation in Syria, where both sides advocate for a resolution based on respect for sovereignty. Additionally, they expressed hope for the stabilization of Gaza, emphasizing the importance of ending hostilities.

The Iranian side highlighted the necessity of resolving the conflict between Russia and Ukraine through political means. “Military action is not the solution,” Pezeshkian stressed. This stance reflects Iran’s desire to play a constructive role in global politics and promote the principles of a multipolar world.

Pezeshkian noted that the new agreement opens “a new chapter” in the partnership between the two countries, addressing issues such as customs regulation, financial settlements, and investment projects. A significant area of focus is the development of a gas pipeline from Russia to Iran. Putin stated, “We should start with modest volumes of up to 2 billion cubic meters and eventually reach 55 billion cubic meters per year.” However, this project faces challenges related to price agreements, logistics, and economic conditions.

The signing of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Agreement reflects Russia and Iran’s commitment to building long-term relations in a changing global order. Cooperation in energy and infrastructure underscores the strategic nature of their partnership, while a focus on independence from external influence demonstrates the determination of both nations to safeguard their sovereignty and defend their interests.

However, the success of the agreements will depend on the ability of both sides to overcome internal and external barriers. Financial constraints, logistical challenges, and pressure from third parties could slow progress. Nevertheless, the mutual commitment to strategic partnership and shared interest in strengthening their positions on the international stage provide a solid foundation for achieving ambitious goals. Thus, the signing of this agreement represents a critical milestone in the development of Russian-Iranian relations, opening new horizons for mutually beneficial cooperation.

Not a military alliance

The Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Agreement between Russia and Iran, published on the Kremlin’s website, comprises a preamble and 47 articles. This document covers a broad range of areas, including trade, economy, transportation, healthcare, education, space exploration, cultural exchanges, peaceful uses of nuclear energy, and many other domains of cooperation. While a third of the document addresses bilateral military-technical collaboration and international security, it is important to emphasize that the primary focus of the agreement is on expanding trade and economic cooperation, developing infrastructure projects, and strengthening national economies and technological sovereignty.

The security-related articles outline measures such as the exchange of military delegations, port calls by naval vessels, personnel training, joint exercises, and collaboration to counter common threats. Particular attention is given to international security, including arms control, nonproliferation, and information security. A separate article (Article 12) commits both parties to promoting peace and security in the Caspian region, Central Asia, the South Caucasus, and the Middle East, while preventing interference and destabilizing presence by third countries in these areas.

It is crucial to note that, despite attempts by some Western analysts to portray this agreement as a defense pact, it is not. Unlike similar agreements, such as the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between Russia and North Korea, the document with Iran does not include obligations for immediate military assistance in the event of an armed attack. Instead, Article 3 stipulates that in the case of aggression against one party, the other party commits not to provide military or other support to the aggressor that could enable the continuation of hostilities. This phrasing reflects a more measured and pragmatic approach to security matters.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi emphasized that while the agreement includes aspects of security and defense cooperation, it does not envision the creation of a military alliance. This critical statement underscores the peaceful nature of the agreement and its focus on fostering a partnership that prioritizes national economies and sovereignty.

Thus, the agreement is primarily oriented toward promoting mutually beneficial economic cooperation, creating conditions for technological development, and building sustainable ties between the two countries. Its provisions heavily support the implementation of infrastructure projects, increased trade turnover, and enhanced collaboration in strategically significant areas such as energy, transportation, and science. This format of interaction not only reflects the pragmatic nature of Russian-Iranian relations but also serves as a foundation for long-term strategic partnership.

The Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Agreement places a clear emphasis on strengthening trade and economic relations between Moscow and Tehran, a critical priority in the current context. Both nations, under sanctions pressure, are working to develop optimal mechanisms to mitigate these restrictions and safeguard their national economies. Strengthening economic ties will be an essential step toward improving the well-being of their citizens, laying the groundwork for major infrastructure projects, and advancing technological sovereignty.

New opportunities are emerging for Moscow and Tehran to unlock the potential of their bilateral cooperation. By working together, the two countries can make a significant contribution to building a multipolar world order that promotes a fairer distribution of resources and influence on the global stage. If pragmatism continues to guide their relationship, it will help minimize the negative impact of disagreements and bolster the economic potential of both nations. This approach will provide a solid foundation for a lasting partnership capable of addressing external challenges and leveraging internal resources to achieve shared goals.

 

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Oil and Gas India is staring at an ‘oil shock’ as U.S. sanctions on Russian crude loom

Energy News Beat

  • The U.S. recently announced sanctions on Russian oil producers, along with vessels that have been shipping barrels of Russian crude.
  • India will be hit the hardest by the sanctions, more so than China which has also been snapping up Moscow’s cheap oil, said analysts.
  • The South Asian nation imports a significant 88% of its oil needs, with around 40% of that figure coming from Moscow.

India’s days of buying cheap Russian oil could be over.

Sweeping sanctions by the U.S. against Russia’s energy companies and operators of vessels that transport oil will complicate Indian efforts to keep importing cheap Russian crude and could push up inflation in Asia’s third-largest economy, analysts said.

The country could be looking at a potential oil shock, said Bob McNally, president of Rapidan Energy Group.

“India will be more affected than China by sanctions, since India imports much greater amount of its oil from Russia than China,” he told CNBC.

Last Friday, the U.S. Treasury announced sanctions on two Russian oil producers, along with 183 vessels which are primarily oil tankers that have been shipping barrels of Russian crude. At present, tankers sanctioned by the U.S. are still permitted to offload crude oil until March 12.

The South Asian nation imported a significant 88% of its oil needs between April and November 2024, little changed from a year earlier, according to government data. Around 40% of those imports came from Russia, data from trade intelligence firm Kpler showed.

Out of the newly sanctioned 183 tankers, 75 of them have transported Russian oil to India in the past, according to data provided by Kpler. Just last year alone, the 183 sanctioned tankers transported around 687 million barrels of crude, of which 30% were shipped to India.

“Most of these barrels went to Indian refiners and, hence, the impact will likely be largest there,” BNP Paribas’ senior commodities strategist Aldo Spanier said in a research note following the sanctions.

The new U.S. sanctions were deeper and broader than foreseen by markets, and the disruptions are expected to amplify, Spanier added.

India’s Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas did not respond to a CNBC request for comment.

The sanctions are also coming at a time when India is tipped to surpass China as the number one oil consumer in the world in 2025, accounting for 25% of total oil consumption growth globally.

Increasing demand for transportation fuels and home cooking fuels is set to spur this growth of 330,000 barrels per day this year — the most of any country, forecasts by the U.S. Energy Information Administration showed.

India consumed 5.3 million barrels per day in 2023, EIA’s most recent data showed. This consumption is expected to have increased by 220,000 barrels per day last year.

India wasn’t always this dependent on Russian oil.

As recently as 2021, Russian oil accounted for just 12% of India’s oil imports by volume. By 2024, that share had spiked to 37.6%, Muyu Xu, senior oil analyst at Kpler told CNBC.

The catalyst for increased oil imports was the Ukraine war, which prompted some Western countries to impose sanctions against Russia and curtail their purchases of Russian crude. As prices of Russian oil fell, India was able to hoover up supplies cheaply from companies that were not under sanctions.

The discount of Russia’s crude, Urals, to the global benchmark Brent has averaged around $12 per barrel from last August to October, according to S&P Global’s most recently published data last November. In 2024, Russia’s Urals were also cheaper by $4 per barrel compared to oil from Iraq, one of India’s main sources of crude oil imports, data from Kpler showed.

“If India were to fully comply with U.S. sanctions, we could see a sharp decline in Russian crude arrivals in February and potentially March,” Xu added.

Supply disruptions to India could be as high as 500,000 barrels per day, Rystad Energy’s senior analyst Viktor Kurilov shared via email.

No more cheap alternatives?

While the impact may eventually be mitigated as affected importers scramble to source alternative suppliers in the Middle East, some industry watchers say that the relief might still take a few weeks to months to materialize.

Even then, the price of oil from these alternative sources will not be as cheap. The world’s crude benchmark Brent recently advanced to a five-month high to around $80 per barrel following the announcement of the sanctions, after a year of languishing from oversupply and weak demand.

Prices of Middle Eastern crude, which are amongst India’s alternatives, have also surged this week, data provided by Kpler suggested.

“Depending on how quickly Russia resolves its logistical challenges and how cooperative India and China remain with the sanctions, oil prices could spike for a few weeks,” Kpler’s Xu said.

Additionally, as Donald Trump’s inauguration draws closer, the world’s supply of cheap Iranian crude, is also facing the risk of tighter sanctions. Iran made up 4% of the world’s oil production in 2023, according to an EIA report released last year.

“It is [also] a bit of a double whammy for the key importer [India] as Iran will likely face new sanctions pressure with the incoming Trump administration,” Helima Croft, global head of commodity strategy at RBC Capital Markets, told CNBC.

If the new sanctions are coupled with a potential curb on Iranian crude, Brent prices could rise even higher to $90 per barrel, Goldman Sachs wrote in a note published after the announcement of the sanctions.

An Indian economy pain point

The Indian economy is “significantly vulnerable” to fluctuations in oil prices, a research paper published in 2023 established. Domestic retail prices of gasoline and diesel surge “like rockets” in response to rising crude oil prices, Abdhut Deheri, assistant economics professor at the Vellore Institute of Technology and M. Ramachandran from Pondicherry University’s department of economics said in the research paper.

Analysis from the Reserve Bank of India in 2019 found that every $10 per barrel rise in oil prices could lead to a 0.4% increase in headline inflation.

“High oil prices, if passed to consumers, could further hurt their purchasing power at a time when income and GDP growth have slowed,” Dhiraj Nim, an economist at ANZ.

However, weak consumer demand could deter producers from passing on the cost burden to consumers, which means it could dent companies’ profits instead, Nim added. Although if the government chooses to shoulder the additional costs, it would strain its finances.

Not only will China and India have to pay more for the oil they consume, they will need to pay more to have it delivered to their shores because oil tanker rates have also risen, said Andy Lipow, president of energy consultancy Lipow Oil Associates.

Combined with a stronger U.S. dollar and weaker rupee, the impact on the India economy will be magnified, said Lipow.

India’s rupee recently plunged to a record low as a result of pressure from a strong greenback and selling by foreign portfolio investors.

The country is no stranger to protests over high fuel prices. In 2018, widespread protests across the country against record-high petrol and diesel prices led to the closure of businesses and schools  in several regions.

Source: CNBC

 

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