Russian line founded with focus on West Africa

Energy News Beat

The former chairman of FESCO has formed a shipping line to provide links between West Africa and Russia.

Andrei Severilov, who founded JSC A7 Holding last year, has just debuted A7 African Cargo Lines with a first link set to be established between Novorossiysk and Nigeria’s port of Lagos using two chartered-in 700 teu boxships. Further plans include making calls in Senegal.

Severilov previously owned a 23.8% stake in FESCO, a containerline that the state took control of in 2022, after major shareholder, Ziyavudin Magomedov, was arrested and sent to jail over corruption charges.

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The Spread between 10-Year Treasury Yield & Mortgage Rates Is Historically Wide and Widened Further: Some Thoughts

Energy News BeatPrice

Mortgage rates are higher in relationship to the 10-year Treasury yield than they were most of the time over the past 50 years. There are reasons. 

By Wolf Richter for WOLF STREET.

The 30-year fixed mortgage rate tracks the 10-year Treasury yield but is higher. The amount by which it is higher – the spread – varies substantially. When the Fed bought mortgage-backed securities during QE, the purpose was to narrow the spread and thereby repress mortgage rates, and eventually they fell below 3%. Then the Fed started shedding these MBS during QT in mid-2022 and stepped away from the mortgage market entirely. Mortgage rates rose faster than the 10-year Treasury yield, and the spread widened substantially, shooting past 3.0 percentage points, the widest since 1986, but then started to narrow again.

But that narrowing process hiccupped. The average 30-year fixed mortgage rate rose to 6.83% per Freddie Mac’s weekly measure on Thursday, but the 10-year Treasury yield was at 4.33%, and the spread between them widened to 2.50 percentage points, the most since September 2024. Over the past five decades, there were not many years when the spread was this wide.

The 10-year Treasury yield has undergone some drama in recent weeks. It plunged from 4.77% on January 10 to 3.99% on April 3, including a 40-basis point plunge in the few days before April 3, and then the yield bounced back in a near-symmetrical manner, and on Thursday it settled at 4.33%, exactly where the effective federal funds rate (EFFR) is, which the Fed targets with its monetary policy rates.

The bond market got frazzled by the Fed’s 100-basis-points in rate cuts in late 2024 while inflation was re-accelerating, which triggered a bond selloff in late 2024 through early January, that had caused the 10-year yield to spike by 114 basis points from mid-September through mid-January, even as the Fed cut by 100 basis points. This taught the Fed – but not Trump – a lesson!

The Treasury market fears inflation more than anything, and it wants to be compensated for this expected future inflation by demanding higher yields. When it comes to inflation fears, the Treasury market is not to be trifled with.

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has been trying to manipulate down long-term Treasury yields to make funding in the economy for businesses and households less costly. His efforts have been fortified by the Fed’s more hawkish stance on inflation (the wait-and-see policy), which reduced the bond market’s inflation fears. Yields then declined in 2025 until they plunged too far and bounced back and now settled at 4.33%. But in a three-year view, the drama was just a blip:

During the 40-year bond bull-market, the 10-year Treasury yield zigzagged down from 16% in 1981 to 0.5% in mid-2021. When yields fall, bond prices rise, and a good time was had by all, but it’s over. It was followed by raging inflation in 2021 and 2022. While inflation has cooled from those levels, it continues to fester, and it started re-accelerating last fall. When bond market investors see and expect higher inflation over the term of what they’re buying, they demand higher yields to be compensated for it.

The average 30-year fixed mortgage rate rose to 6.83% (Freddie Mac). It has been above 6% since September 2022.

Historically, the average 30-year fixed mortgage rate didn’t drop to 5% until the Fed started QE in 2009, which included the purchases of massive amounts of MBS, which helped push down mortgage rates and was part of the Fed’s scheme of interest-rate repression and asset-price inflation. But then raging inflation broke out in 2021 and put an end to it.

The Fed and the spread. After shedding $2.24 trillion from its balance sheet through QT, the Fed has now slowed the pace of QT. But it has not slowed the pace of QT for MBS, only for Treasury securities. And that’s a key here.

MBS come off the balance sheet mostly through passthrough principal payments as mortgage payoffs (sales or refis) and principal portions of mortgage payments are forwarded to the holders of MBS, such as the Fed.

These passthrough principal payments have been running at about $15 billion a month for the past year.  If mortgage rates drop a lot, the pace would speed up. The Fed has said many times in its official announcements that it plans to get rid of all its MBS. It stepped away from the MBS market in September 2022, and that market has been on its own ever since, unleashed from the Fed’s controlling fist.

Before QT started, the Fed held $2.74 trillion in MBS. QT has whittled that down to $2.19 trillion, and whatever comes off via passthrough principal payments comes off and goodbye.

But the Fed further slowed the pace of the Treasury securities roll-off to just $5 billion a month, starting in April. The Fed then reinvests the amounts that mature in excess of $5 billion a month by buying equivalent Treasury securities at Treasury auctions. So the Fed is again with both feet in the Treasury market, replacing a big part of its maturing securities with new securities.

And this asymmetry of leaving MBS yields, and thereby mortgage rates, entirely up to the market, while still meddling in the Treasury market has increased the spread between the 10-year Treasury yield and mortgage rates.

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Here’s How Gas Pipelines & Seized Russian Assets Could Give The US Lots Of Leverage Over The EU

Energy News Beat

ENB Pub Note: This is an interesting viewpoint from Andrew Korybko’s Substack, which could influence the negotiations at the Russian-Ukrainian peace talks. On my podcast, you have heard me discuss the Nord Stream pipelines and the sanctions on Russian energy exports with George McMillan. These sanctions forced President Putin to shift his revenue sources to Asia. Bringing the United States into the negotiation to monitor and control the natural gas flows from Russia to the EU would be a game-changing tactic.   I had mentioned that President Trump should buy the Nord Stream with one pipeline that could be brought back online quickly, and look to repair the others as cash flow allows. However, Andrew raises a significant business opportunity for the United States, which could help bring an end to the war. Natural gas monitoring and pipeline management as a service would be similar to the United States managing Russian Nuclear reactors in Ukraine as a service. The trade tariff discussions are an open topic at present, and we do not know how they will unfold. Why should Putin help the EU survive when the EU and NATO kept breaking deals in the past? Would having the U.S. help monitor the gas flows into the EU help? It would, but would you trust the United States in a post-Trump world, or only while President Trump is in office? 

I recommend following and subscribing to Andrew’s Newsletter on Substack.

 


Source: Andrew Korybko’s Newsletter on Substack

US control over the trans-Ukrainian and Nord Stream pipelines could incentivize the EU into concessions on their trade war while whatever seized Russian assets that the US obtains legal ownership of from Moscow could serve to justify ramping up pressure on the bloc in this context.

Reuters reported earlier in the month that the latest version of Trump’s resource deal with Ukraine includes an “Easter egg” giving the US’ International Development Finance Corporation control over its international gas pipeline between Russia and the EU. This prompted another report from Reuters alleging that French and German firms are open to the possibility of resuming imports via that route. These reports collectively suggest that the US wants to control Russia’s pipeline gas exports to Europe.

The triple rationale behind doing so would be to obtain further leverage over the EU amidst their trade war, buoy its struggling economy if a deal is reached so that it’s a more stable market for American exports, and incentivize Russia into agreeing to a ceasefire by restoring some of this lost revenue. In furtherance of this goal, the US might also try to obtain control over the four Nord Stream pipelines, the scenario of which was analyzed here and here.

While control over the Kiev-owned Ukrainian pipeline could be obtained via Trump’s resource deal with Ukraine, which might require forcing Zelensky to form a government of national unity if he doesn’t agree to this on his own, different means would have to be employed for the Russian-owned Nord Streams. Hypothetically returning the estimated $5 billion of seized Russian assets under American jurisdiction wouldn’t suffice for replacing the nearly $20 billion that Nord Stream 1 and 2 cost in total.

The additional $15 billion (or more if Russia demands such and the US agrees) could be obtained by pressuring the EU into releasing that amount of seized Russian assets under its jurisdiction. If the EU refuses, then Russia and the US could agree to a creative financial arrangement whereby Russia transfers legal ownership of this sum to the US, the US transfers this same amount to Russia, then Trump weaponizes the $15 billion of newly US-owned assets under EU jurisdiction as a chip in their trade war.

This formula could also be utilized by them for facilitating Russia’s reportedly requested purchase of Boeing jets that Bloomberg recently claimed that it suggested buying with some of those seized assets. Taken to its extreme, the estimated $300 billion worth of total assets that the West seized from Russia could be transferred to the US via these means for large-scale purchases across a slew of industries that would solidify the strategic economic partnership that they want to forge in the post-conflict era.

White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt recently said that “There is an incentive for Russia to end this war and perhaps that could be economic partnerships with the United States” so this could be the means to that end. Russia has also made do without those assets and doesn’t expect them to be returned in full, perhaps not even at all despite official rhetoric to the contrary, which is why this would be the most mutually beneficial use of them in the context of the nascent RussianUS “New Détente”.

The creative energy diplomacy and financial arrangements that were proposed in this analysis would give the US lots of leverage over the EU. They’d correspondingly result in control over most Russian pipeline gas imports for incentivizing the EU into concessions on their trade war while whatever seized Russian assets that the US obtains legal ownership of from Moscow could serve to justify ramping up pressure on the bloc in this context. The Trump Administration should therefore seriously consider this.

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How Noboa Avoided the Incumbency Trap

Energy News BeatNoboa

Latin American voters tend to reject ruling parties and politicians. What did Ecuador’s president do differently?

Latin American voters tend to reject ruling parties and politicians. What did Ecuador’s president do differently?

By , an associate professor of international relations at the Getulio Vargas Foundation in São Paulo, and , a junior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Center-right incumbent Daniel Noboa won Ecuador’s presidential runoff election on Sunday, defeating Luisa González by more than 10 points. Noboa, the 37-year-old son of a banana magnate, earned 55.6 percent of the vote to González’s 44.4 percent. González alleged electoral fraud and said that she would request a recount, but a growing number of opposition figures have acknowledged her defeat.

Noboa’s reelection is not surprising at first glance. After all, campaign wisdom holds that an incumbent candidate often has significant advantages, including name recognition, experience, and the ability to enact policy during a campaign.

Yet incumbents have lost most recent national elections in Latin America. Incumbent candidates have lost in 22 of the 27 free and fair presidential elections held in the region since 2018, in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Panama, Peru, and Uruguay. This trend was also visible on a global scale in 2024, when incumbent parties lost vote shares in the overwhelming majority of national elections.

Latin Americans have long used the so-called voto castigo, or punishment vote, to express frustration with the status quo and reject governing parties, irrespective of their ideological orientation. Although anti-incumbent sentiment can reflect a healthy democratic demand for accountability, the continuous rejection of governing parties may also highlight deeper discontent—which risks undermining public support for democratic governance.

Latin America’s anti-incumbency trend predates the COVID-19 pandemic. It has often been linked to dissatisfaction with public services, such as security, health care, and education; outrage with corruption scandals; and, perhaps most importantly, low economic growth.

In fact, research suggests that presidential popularity in Latin America—and leaders’ prospects of reelection—depend on factors that governments cannot control, such as global commodity prices and international interest rates. This helps explain why regional incumbents were more successful in elections during the commodity boom of the late 2000s and early 2010s. Mainstays of that era included the Workers Party’ in Brazil, the Kirchner political dynasty in Argentina, and former President Evo Morales’s movement in Bolivia. Since then, they have all struggled.

There are some signs that anti-incumbency sentiment is breaking down. In Paraguay’s 2023 presidential election, the right-wing Colorado Party—which has dominated politics for decades—won despite allegations of corruption against party leaders. Last year, both Dominican President Luis Abinader and Mexico’s ruling Morena party triumphed. With Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador unable to run for reelection, his protégée, Claudia Sheinbaum, was easily elected as the country’s first woman leader.

Finally, popular right-wing President Nayib Bukele secured a landslide win in El Salvador’s 2024 election, earning more than 80 percent of the vote. That victory came with an asterisk: It was blatantly illegal. El Salvador’s constitution, like several others in Latin America, bars incumbent presidents from seeking consecutive terms. But Bukele appointed friendly judges to the Constitutional Court, and they reinterpreted the constitution and paved his path to reelection.

Bukele’s reelection must be understood in the context of his authoritarian impulses. Since taking office in 2019, he has eroded checks and balances and curtailed individual rights, imprisoning at least 85,000 people without due process. Kilmar Armando Ábrego Garcia, a Maryland resident whom the U.S. government deported to El Salvador along with more than 200 migrants—also without due process—is now languishing in Bukele’s infamous Terrorism Confinement Center.

In most other cases of incumbent reelection victories in Latin America, the parties had unusual strengths. In Paraguay and Mexico, Colorado and Morena have partisan infrastructure that is unrivaled by their competitors. Incumbents also have the capacity to mobilize voters around signature issues, such as the crackdown on crime in El Salvador or the fight against corruption, paired with anti-Haitian sentiment, in the Dominican Republic.

In Noboa’s case, three issues help explain why he succeeded in bucking the anti-incumbency trend.

First, at the time of the runoff, he had been president for just under a year and a half—a far cry from a usual four-year term. Noboa first won a snap election in October 2023 that was triggered when his predecessor, Guillermo Lasso, dissolved Congress to avoid his own impeachment. This allowed Noboa to project himself as a newcomer and convince voters that he deserved a full mandate to implement his proposals.

Second, González—the leftist opposition candidate—had a potentially decisive vulnerability. Throughout the campaign, she was plagued by questions about her long-standing ties to former Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa, who served from 2007 to 2017 and remains a polarizing figure. He had clear authoritarian tendencies and entered into self-imposed exile in Belgium in 2017. Several years later, an Ecuadorian court found him guilty of accepting bribes. He also established close relations with Venezuela and downgraded ties to the United States.

González refused to distance herself from Correa and maintained that he was innocent. Though Correa has loyal supporters in Ecuador, González’s relationship to the former president still damaged her credibility among many voters, including in the Indigenous communities that were essential in the runoff. As such, González—chained to the past—lost many of the advantages that an opposition candidate usually boasts.

The final and key factor in Noboa’s victory was Ecuador’s severe security crisis. Homicides in the country skyrocketed more than 400 percent between 2019 and 2024. In that time, Ecuador became a hub for cocaine trafficking. Even though Noboa has not been able to decisively reduce violence—in fact, violent deaths recently surged—he has centered his presidency and his campaign around his security policies.

In January 2024, just after taking office, Noboa declared Ecuador to be in a state of “internal armed conflict,” allowing him to deploy thousands of soldiers across the country to combat gangs and charge people with terrorism for alleged ties to organized crime. Noboa has repeatedly extended the state of emergency, largely focusing on seven provinces and the capital, Quito. The day before the runoff election, he issued a declaration prolonging that state of emergency, which some observers worried could suppress the vote.

Noboa also used the security crisis to campaign as an internationally connected leader, emphasizing his ties to U.S. President Donald Trump. In March, Noboa called for the United States to designate Ecuadorian gangs as terrorist organizations. Weeks before the runoff, Noboa met with Trump in Florida and expressed an interest in building a U.S. military base in Ecuador. (A Correa-backed constitutional change in 2008 banned foreign military bases on Ecuadorian soil; Noboa would presumably have to amend the charter to get his wish.)

Noboa’s campaign was not without controversy. Ecuadorian law mandates that an incumbent president running for reelection must take a leave of absence for the entire campaign period, ceding power to the vice president. Noboa largely refused to do so, only stepping down for a few days and delegating his presidential power to an ally instead. The Ecuadorian Constitutional Court ruled Noboa’s moves unconstitutional, but he has so far faced no consequences.

Only time will tell whether Noboa’s reelection is a signal that Latin America’s anti-incumbency wave is calming or whether it is an outlier. Other regional elections this year will offer clues. In August, Bolivian President Luis Arce will face a right-wing “unity bloc” and challenge from his once-mentor, Morales, who is running again despite the country’s Plurinational Constitutional Tribunal ruling him ineligible.

Then, in November, Chile’s presidential election is shaping up to be a heated race. Progressive President Gabriel Boric’s approval rating remains relatively low, suggesting that center-right and ultraconservative candidates are likely to have the advantage. (Boric cannot seek reelection due to term limits.)

Weeks later, in Honduras, outgoing President Xiomara Castro is similarly ineligible to run again. Defense Minister Rixi Moncada, the candidate for Castro’s party, will have to grapple with allegations of corruption and drug trafficking that have been made against other members of her party.

All these developments will be closely watched in Brazil, where voters head to the polls next year—and where Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva hopes to be the country’s first president to be win reelection in more than a decade. (Lula himself previously served as president from 2003 to 2011.)

At its best, anti-incumbent sentiment helps break political dynasties and reminds leaders that the public will hold them accountable. But at its worst, it furthers political instability by bringing constant policy fluctuations and encouraging political polarization. Regardless of its effects, elected leaders across the globe will be paying close attention to Latin American parties—and leaders such as Noboa—to see if they can establish a playbook for incumbent success.

Oliver Stuenkel is an associate professor of international relations at the Getulio Vargas Foundation in São Paulo and a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, D.C. X: @OliverStuenkel

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Europe Pushes U.S. to Take Tougher Stance on Russia

Energy News Beat

ENB Pub Note: It will be interesting to see what becomes of these talks in France without Russia and Ukraine. As I have discussed on the podcast with George McMillan, “All Putin has to do is nothing,” and he will win. President Trump’s team does not have all of the information it needs to get President Putin to the table. Check out George McMillan’s contributor page here:  . We go into details on why the Rubio and Kellogg plans have failed. The weaponization of the U.S. dollar forced Russia to move its business to Asia, where it successfully replaced and expanded revenues it lost from the EU. President Trump should look at adding George to the team, as he was right all along.


 

U.S., French, and Ukrainian officials meet in Paris for discussions on how to end the Russia-Ukraine war.

By , the World Brief writer at Foreign Policy.

Pressure Points 

With Russia-Ukraine peace talks seemingly stalled, top Ukrainian, U.S., and European officials convened in Paris on Thursday to discuss new ways to end the three-year war. Among those in attendance were U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, White House envoys Steve Witkoff and Keith Kellogg, French President Emmanuel Macron, and Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha. Russian officials were not invited to attend.

The purpose of Thursday’s conference was to discuss “paths to a fair and lasting peace, including full cease-fire, multinational contingent, and security guarantees for Ukraine,” Sybiha said. This was the highest level of trans-Atlantic engagement on the conflict since February, and it comes as the European and U.S. positions on how to deal with Moscow appear to be increasingly at odds.

Europe is hoping to use Thursday’s meetings to place the onus of peace talks on the Kremlin. Negotiations must be “aimed at ending the Russian aggression in Ukraine,” the French presidential office said, maintaining that Russian President Vladimir Putin owes U.S. President Donald Trump an answer on his proposed cease-fire deal.

Last month, Moscow agreed to a U.S.-brokered 30-day pause on strikes targeting energy infrastructure; that deal was repeatedly broken, and on Thursday, it expired. But the Kremlin has stopped short of backing a larger truce deal, which could include a Black Sea cease-fire and the return of prisoners of war. And despite several rounds of U.S. talks with Moscow—including an in-person meeting between Putin and Witkoff last week—little progress has been made.

European leaders argue that the United States needs to take a tougher line on Russia, with Kyiv and its allies raising alarm bells about Trump and Witkoff parroting Kremlin talking points. Trump has repeatedly called Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky a “dictator” and falsely accused Kyiv of starting the war. And following last week’s meeting with Putin, Witkoff told Fox News that any peace deal must center on the “so-called five territories,” referring to the Crimean Peninsula as well as the four mainland Ukrainian regions that Russia has partially occupied since its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

At the same time, though, Europe is wary about angering the White House amid ongoing trade talks. Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni represented European Union demands on Thursday when she met with Trump to discuss ways to decrease the bloc’s trade surplus with the United States.

Russia, meanwhile, condemned Thursday’s meeting in Paris. “What we see from the Europeans is a focus on continuing the war,” Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said, and Russia’s top economic negotiator, Kirill Dmitriev, accused some countries of attempting to “derail” Moscow’s talks with Washington.


 

What We’re Following

Asserting power. Sudan’s paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) declared its own government on Wednesday, one day after the country marked the two-year anniversary of its devastating civil war between the RSF and the Sudanese army. The announcement coincides with a new RSF effort that began last Friday to seize complete control of the western Darfur region from the Sudanese army, leaving more than 400 people dead. The massive Zamzam refugee camp near the city of El Fasher was among the sites targeted.

Both the RSF and the Sudanese army have been accused of committing atrocities during the conflict, including targeted ethnic killings, sexual violence, and genocide. The RSF holds the majority of western and southern Sudan, whereas the army largely controls the north and east, including the capital, Khartoum.

Neither side was invited to a London-based conference on Tuesday to discuss best strategies to end the war and boost aid deliveries. However, that meeting resulted in few successes, as it failed to establish a contact group to facilitate peace talks.

Another mass blackout. More than half of Puerto Rico’s residents remain without power on Thursday as crews race to restore electricity to the entire island before the Easter holiday begins on Friday. The blackout, which began Wednesday afternoon, left 1.4 million customers without electricity and another 400,000 people without water. Power company Luma said it was triggered by a protection system failure and vegetation on a transmission line, according to a preliminary investigation.

“This is a shame for the people of Puerto Rico that we have a problem of this magnitude,” Gov. Jenniffer González said.

Wednesday’s outage was Puerto Rico’s second island-wide blackout in less than four months, with the previous one hitting on New Year’s Eve due to an outdated underground cable. Local business owners worry that such a trend could spook outside investors at a time when the territory needs economic development.

Gaza “security zones.” The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) will remain in Gaza indefinitely even after the war ends, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said on Wednesday, issuing a new blow to ongoing cease-fire efforts with Hamas. “The IDF will remain in the security zones as a buffer between the enemy and the [Israeli] communities in any temporary or permanent situation in Gaza—as in Lebanon and Syria,” Katz said.

Last month, Israel resumed its military operations in Gaza in an effort to destroy Hamas and expand so-called security zones. These included an Israeli presence in the Netzarim Corridor, which splits Gaza into halves, as well as the so-called Morag Corridor, which runs between the southern cities of Rafah and Khan Younis.

More than 400,000 Palestinians have been displaced since the fighting resumed in mid-March, according to the U.N. humanitarian office, and at least 1,630 people have been killed by Israeli strikes. This does not include the more than two dozen Palestinians killed across the territory on Thursday.


Source: Foreignpolicy.com

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Trump Rescinds Biden’s Water Pressure And Appliance Rules, Restoring Consumer Freedom

Energy News BeatTrump

Trump is rolling back Biden-era rules on appliances and fixtures, restoring consumer choice on water flow, stoves, and more.

​Acting to please a constituency that prefers scarcity over abundance, Joe Biden ordered up a list of federal rules that restricted consumer choice. [emphasis, links added]

Given the exhaustive White House agenda that began when Donald Trump took office on Jan. 20, it would have been unsurprising had he waited to unwind the Biden regulatory knot.

But to his credit, Trump has been moving on that, too.

Ignoring the left’s constant “we’re running out of everything” screeching, Trump restored “shower freedom” earlier this month with an executive order “to end the Obama-Biden war on water pressure.”

The new rule rescinds “the overly complicated federal rule that redefined ‘showerhead’ under Obama and Biden,” says the administration.

The previous rule, which burned through 13,000 words to define “showerhead,” restricted multi-nozzle showerheads to 2.5 gallons of water per minute. The new rule allows each nozzle in a showerhead to pump out 2.5 gallons of water per minute.

It’s the second time Trump has changed the rule. The first time was in 2020. Of course, Biden dropped that order after he took office, and the government reverted to the Obama restrictions.

Trump’s change makes sense. The Democrats’ limitations don’t.

It should be obvious that people would have to take longer showers when the water flow is restricted, same as they also have to often flush multiple times to get the job done when per-flush water flow in toilets is capped. In the end, nothing is saved.

It’s also a matter of liberty. The government has no business telling Americans what bathroom fixtures they cannot have and which ones they must have.

Trump is also restoring consumers’ freedom to buy the stoves, washing machines, furnaces, dishwashers, and toilets they prefer rather than the ones imposed on them by leftist nabobs.

The president also has an opportunity to stop Biden’s leftover regulations from deciding for us which light bulbs we can buy, forcing us to move on from bulbs that cost an average of $2.98 to an estimated $5.68.

Meanwhile, the Republican Senate has approved a joint resolution that repeals the Biden-era Energy Department rule that imposed “unwarranted energy efficiency restrictions on consumer water heaters.


Top photo by Caleb Wright on Unsplash

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Judge Who Twice Blocked Trump’s Grant Freeze Was Democrat Activist

Energy News Beat

Judge Mary McElroy blocked Trump’s grant freezes again, citing limits on executive power as her history of Democratic party activism comes to light.

​Judge Mary S. McElroy, who has twice blocked President Donald Trump’s efforts to freeze EPA, Energy Department, and other grants, has a history of Democrat activism. [emphasis, links added]

On Tuesday, U.S. District Judge Mary McElroy issued an injunction against the Trump administration, ruling in favor of environmental groups who claim the president unlawfully froze grants for projects that combat alleged “climate change, reduce pollution, and modernize American infrastructure.”

“Agencies do not have unlimited authority to further a President’s agenda, nor do they have unfettered power to hamstring in perpetuity two statutes passed by Congress during the previous administration,” McElroy ruled.

The Trump administration has said that the administration has the right to pause funding for awarded grants to redirect the funds to more suitable projects, and that the Rhode Island judge lacked jurisdiction to hear the case.

The Justice Department had also claimed that it had a stronger position after the Supreme Court ruled that the Trump administration could cancel millions of dollars in teacher training grants as part of its crackdown on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives.

However, this is not the first time that Judge McElroy has frustrated the Trump administration’s efforts to freeze grants government-wide.

In early April, McElroy approved a request from Democrat state officials in Rhode Island to “temporarily prevent President Donald Trump’s administration from cutting state health grants.”

“The harm to the plaintiff states and the plaintiff agencies if we cease that … is clearly irreparable,” McElroy said after arguments from attorneys representing state governments and the Trump Health and Human Services (HHS) Department.

The HHS had revoked over $11 billion in grants to states.

McElroy has had an extensive history of Democrat activism, which includes:

  • As a high school student, she handed out flyers for Julius V. Michaelson’s Senate campaign in 1982
  • In 1984, in college, she acted as a page for the Rhode Island delegation to the Democratic National Convention
  • She served as a volunteer for James E. O’Neil’s campaign for Rhode Island Attorney General
  • She was a member of the Rhode Island Democrats from 1984 to 1986

“I participated in efforts to encourage young people to register to vote and to become involved in the political process and support the electoral efforts of Democratic candidates,” she wrote in her Senate questionnaire.

President Barack Obama first nominated McElroy to fill a seat on the U.S. District Court for the District of Rhode Island in 2015.

Her nomination expired in 2017, and President Trump nominated her to the post in April 2018.

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Fishermen Applaud Trump for Halting Offshore Wind Projects Over Environmental Impact

Energy News Beat

Fishermen are lauding Trump’s move to halt New York offshore wind tied to foreign firm Equinor, citing rushed approval and harm to marine life.

​A fisherman’s association is backing the Trump administration’s decision to halt a massive offshore wind project being built off the coast of New York, as first reported by the Washington Free Beacon on Wednesday. [emphasis, links added]

The Trump administration has also initiated a comprehensive review of current offshore wind permits.

Interior Secretary Doug Burgum instructed the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM) to stop all construction on the Empire Wind offshore wind project helmed by the foreign energy developer Equinor, according to Burgum’s announcement on X and a memorandum reviewed by the Beacon.

New England Fishermen’s Stewardship Association (NEFSA), a nonprofit that represents the interests of fishermen in New England, said it supports this development.

“Our government should never sell out American fishermen to foreign green energy companies,” CEO Jerry Leeman wrote in a press statement provided to the Daily Caller News Foundation. “NEFSA applauds Secretary Burgum for pressing pause on the Empire Wind project, which regulators rushed to approve over the objections of working commercial fishermen and their families.”

“We hope and expect the new Administration will end the era of special treatment for foreign developers industrializing America’s fisheries,” Leeman said.

Equinor is based in Norway. The Empire Wind project was one of the final lingering Biden-era offshore wind endeavors after Trump signed an executive order on day one of his second term that banned or restricted new offshore wind farms.

American fishermen are applauding the White House for helping save U.S. fisheries from foreign green-energy companies.

The order, however, did not specifically suspend projects that had already secured federal leases and permits, such as Equinor’s Empire Wind 1 project.

“Approval for the project was rushed through by the prior administration without sufficient analysis or consultation among the relevant agencies as relates to the potential effects from the project,” Burgum wrote in the memo.

He wrote that the Empire Wind project will remain on hold indefinitely pending a thorough review to “address these serious deficiencies.”

The administration has also championed “unleashing” the domestic production of energy and prioritizing “American workers and businesses” when it comes to “arrangements that result in disbursements of Federal funds,” according to another day-one executive order.

Empire Wind 1 was green-lit by the Department of the Interior (DOI) under Biden’s watch in November 2023, and 147 wind turbines were expected to be built within the lease area, according to the BOEM website.

Read rest at Daily Caller

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GTT secured orders for nine LNG carriers in Q1

Energy News BeatGTT

GTT (Gaztransport & Technigaz) said in its financial report that deliveries of these LNG carriers will take place between 2027 and 2031.

Last year, the firm booked orders for 72 LNG carriers. This includes orders for 25 LNG carriers in the first quarter, 27 LNG carriers in the second quarter, 16 LNG carriers in the third quarter, and four LNG carriers in the fourth quarter.

Besides nine LNG carriers, GTT won orders for seven very large ethane carriers as well as 12 LNG-powered containerships in the first quarter.

“With 16 orders for LNG carriers and very large ethane carriers booked in the first quarter of 2025, commercial performance in our core business remained strong in a global environment marked by significant uncertainty, less favorable to investment decisions,” Philippe Berterottière, chairman and CEO of GTT said.

“However, the lifting of the moratorium on new LNG projects in the United States should pave the way for new investment decisions in liquefaction units in 2025 and 2026, generating new needs for LNG carriers,” he said.

Berterottière is currently interim CEO of GTT while the company searches for a new CEO following the departure of Jean-Baptiste Choimet.

As of March 31, 2025, GTT’s order book, excluding LNG as fuel, stood at 325 units.

This includes 292 LNG carriers, 21 ethane carriers, three FSRUs, two FLNGs, and five onshore storage tanks.

The order book for LNG fuel stood at 55 units, all containerships.

Moreover, GTT said its consolidated revenue rose 31.6 percent to 190.5 million euros ($216.6 million) in the first quarter, while its newbuild revenues reached 180.5 million euros, up 35.6 percent year-on-year.

“From a financial standpoint, revenue for the first quarter of 2025 showed strong growth, up 32 percent compared to the first quarter of 2024. Accordingly, in the absence of significant delays in vessel building schedules, the group confirms its 2025 targets,” Berterottière said.

GTT expects 2025 consolidated revenue to be between 750 million euros and 800 million euros, and consolidated 2025 Ebitda to be between 490 million euros and 540 million euros.

Source: Lngprime.com

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Busting the British Steel bailout myths

Energy News Beat

ENB Pub Note: The global push to force Net Zero is a way to deindustrialize a nation.  The following is a great article from Watt-Logic. We are seeing that play out in real time in the UK. Their energy and financial policies regarding fossil fuels are undermining their economy. With their leadership jailing people for mean posts on X, but allowing illegal migrants to have their way with UK women running rampant on their streets is horrific. We are watching the demise of the UK, the EU, and other once-great institutions in real time. The story about the UK having to buy coking coal from Japan was a lot of fun. Sad, but fun. For a country focusing on Net Zero, they had to have put well over 7,900 tons of CO2 into the atmosphere just shipping the coal from Japan rather than mining the coal from the UK.

UK Will Be More Skeptical of Chinese Investment After Steel Rescue


Last weekend, the UK parliament was recalled to pass the Steel Industry (Special Measures) Act 2025 in a single day. But there are very many myths and mis-understandings about what this means. Setting aside the irritating self-congratulation of MPs who think working on a Saturday is somehow heroic, in this post I will look at the reasons for the collapse of British Steel, what this Act does, and what we might expect to happen next.

The collapse of British Steel, again

British Steel Ltd was a wholly owned subsidiary of Chinese company Jingye Steel (UK) Holdings Ltd whose ultimate parent is Jingye Group Co Ltd. British Steel originated from the nationalised British Steel Corporation (BSC), formed in 1967, which was privatised as a public limited company, British Steel plc, in 1988. It was once a constituent of the FTSE 100 Index. The company merged with Koninklijke Hoogovens to form Corus Group in 1999, which was itself taken over in March 2007 by the Indian steel operator Tata Steel. In 2016, Tata Steel sold the loss-making part of its business that made “long products” like transport rails and steel sections for construction to private equity firm Greybull Capital for £1, which renamed the business British Steel. The business collapsed in 2019, and was taken over by the government’s insolvency service which sold it to Jingye the following year.

Shortly before publishing its 2023 accounts, Jingye announced plans to close its Scunthorpe blast furnaces and make between 2,000 and 2,700 workers redundant. Overall, the business employs around 3,500 people in the UK across three sites. The decision came after Jingye rejected an offer of £500 million – half of the amount it had sought – from the UK Government for the installation of two electric arc furnaces, which have an estimated cost of about £2 billion.

In the British Steel accounts for the year ending December 2023, prepared on a going concern basis, the preamble states:

“Trading conditions in 2023 were challenging, with falling commodity and steel prices impacting margins. Energy prices remained above historic levels, albeit softening from the highs of 2022.

Operational performance in 2023 was significantly impacted by poor stability of the Company’s blast furnaces, with extended outages resulting in low production and sales volumes. These periods of single blast furnace operation, combined with the inability to implement commensurate reductions in fixed costs drove a significant deterioration in trading EBITDA.

The Company decided to retire the aging Queen Victoria blast furnace in December 2023, having commenced preparations to restart the Queen Bess blast furnace earlier in the year. Queen Bess commenced production in January 2024, returning the business to a two blast furnace operation.”

The accounts go on to say that revenues in 2023 fell by £500 million to £1.2 billion, reflecting lower trading volumes. The Company booked impairments to non-current assets of £33 million in 2023 and £215 million in 2022. The total loss for the year excluding impairments was £192 million in 2023, up from a loss of £152 million in 2022. After tax losses were £227 million versus £367 million in 2022, but despite this, capital investments of over £100 million were made in de-carbonisation and re-structuring plans.

British Steel had access to an external asset-backed receivable lending facility of £50 million and an inter-company loan of £220 million which matured in March 2025. In addition to this, the company uses commodity repos, and had £136 million in short-term uncommitted lending facilities and £100 million investment in its share capital from its parent in 2023. In total, British Steel had £736 million of debt outstanding at the end of December 2023 — up from £630 million the previous year. Almost two thirds of its debt was payable within one year with the remainder due within two years. The company also had a £50 million carbon shortfall under the UK ETS.

The auditors issued a qualified opinion on the accounts, because they were unable to observe the counting of the physical inventories of £46 million included on the balance sheet for 31 December 2021 within the overall inventory total of £534 million. This meant the opening balance for the following year was not verified, and that this has an ongoing impact on the validity of the inventory figures.

The auditors also say that the Company will require further funding from its parent, and while there are commitments in place, they are non-binding and existing parent company loans could be recalled. This creates “a material uncertainty that may cast significant doubt over the Company’s ability to continue as a going concern.”

There is also an extensive fraud disclosure. While such disclosures are a usual part of an auditor’s statement, the length and detail of this one, added to the change of auditors in the past year and the late filings of the 2021 (filed January 2024) and 2022 (filed September 2024) accounts, suggest all was not well from more than just a financial performance perspective. According to The Times newspaper, the previous auditor, Moore Kingston Smith, resigned the British Steel audit after just a year because it was not “commercially possible” to conduct a satisfactory audit at the price Jingye was prepared to pay. The previous year, Mazars had resigned citing similar reasons. The current auditors, MHA, have been in place for two years, and the enhanced fraud disclosures began with Moore Kingston Smith and continued with MHA.

Row over Cumbrian coal

One of the reasons given for the collapse of British Steel relates to its access to coke, a key input in the steelmaking process. This is sensitive because the Government blocked a new coal mine in at Whitehaven in Cumbria for net zero reasons, meaning British Steel had to import coal from Japan. Japan’s coal industry has declined significantly and it does not appear to produce coking coal any more, so it’s likely that the shipment currently being unloaded originated in Australia.

Presumably this Japanese cargo is a stop-gap to supply the furnaces and stop them going out since Jingye had stopped procuring raw materials for the Scunthorpe blast furnaces, possibly in a bid to make the UK entirely reliant on China for virgin steel. Blast furnaces rely on a continuous feed of coke (made from metallurgical coal) to maintain the necessary temperature (over 1,500°C). Without coke, the furnace temperature rapidly drops, causing molten iron and slag inside begin to solidify. Once solid, these materials can clog the hearth and damage the refractory lining.

This is next to impossible to fix – restarting the furnaces would require excavation and removal of solidified materials, which is a huge task and at least partially rebuilding the furnace lining and internal equipment. Full recommissioning could take months, and could cost tens of millions of pounds. For ageing furnaces like those at Scunthorpe, it might not be economically justifiable to restarting after a cold shutdown, meaning any interruption to the coal supplies could trigger permanent closure.

There is some debate over the suitability of the Cumbrian coal for steel-making. This is high-sulphur coal which would normally need blending for use in making steel. High-sulphur coals typically have sulphur contents exceeding 1.0%, whereas low-sulphur coals used in coke production often have sulphur contents below 1.0% and usually below 0.6%. To achieve a blended coal mix with a sulphur content suitable for coke production (generally below 1.0%), the proportion of high-sulphur coal in the blend must be limited.

The Cumbrian mine produces coking coal of between 1.5% and 1.8% sulphur content. The Australian coal which is likely to be in the shipment from Japan is probably low sulphur coal (<0.6%) as this is the typical Australian export quality. On the face of it, it would appear that the Cumbrian coal is unsuitable for use at the Scunthorpe foundry, but it’s not so simple, because high-sulphur coal can be blended with lower sulphur coal and still have an acceptable specification. Typically up to 30% of the blend can have a high sulphur content. This means that some Cumbrian coal could have been used at Scunthorpe, reducing the import requirement.

Row over greening steel

Conventional so-called “virgin” steel is made by melting coking coal, limestone and iron ore in a blast furnace, and then running the resulting molten iron through an oxide furnace to produce steel. To turn iron ore (Fe₂O₃ or Fe₃O₄) into pure iron (Fe), you need a chemical reaction. Coke (carbon) acts as a reductant, in that it strips oxygen from the iron ore, producing molten iron and CO₂. The furnace therefore operates as a reduction reactor, not just a heater. Blast furnaces are also powered by the coke feedstock, which makes them incompatible with net zero targets.

Alternatively, electric arc furnaces can be used which generate heat using high-voltage electric arcs. Electric arc furnaces melt existing steel, typically scrap, using electricity, because they don’t have the same gas-solid reactions, slag chemistry, or residence time needed for reduction of ore. This means they can’t directly use iron ore or coke, needing a ferrous feedstock that’s already metallic.

Blast versus electric arc furnaces

This is considered an advantage since scrap steel is abundant and relatively cheap. Recycling scrap in EAFs is more energy-efficient and less carbon-intensive than mining and reducing iron ore. It is possible to feed direct reduced iron (“DRI”) or hot briquetted iron into an EAF to supplement scrap. These are processed forms of iron ore made without a blast furnace, but they still require significant upstream processing before being used in an EAF.

In theory an EAF could be modified to process iron ore by adding reductants and changing the operating conditions, but this is not done in practice for a number of reasons. Firstly, EAFs aren’t designed for reduction reactions – they are melting furnaces, not chemical reactors. Blast furnaces operate with a carefully controlled gas-solid reaction column over several metres of depth. Reduction of iron ore requires sustained contact with carbon monoxide (CO) or hydrogen, a countercurrent flow of gases, and stable temperature gradients over time. While technically carbon can be added as a reductant to an EAF to reduce iron oxides, this wouldn’t be efficient or controllable resulting in a poor version of a blast furnace or a smelting reduction reactor.

Secondly, it would be economically inefficient. Ore-to-steel reduction in a blast furnace is thermally integrated with heat from the coke reaction sustaining the process. EAFs would need to supply all energy via electricity which is more expensive than the coal used in UK blast furnaces. Iron ore is not conductive making it difficult to heat directly with electricity. Additional systems would be needed to supply and control reducing gases. At this point it would be simpler and cheaper to use a shaft furnace to make DRI, and then melt that DRI in the EAF.

Modified EAF reduction trials have been tried in lab-scale projects, but they create unstable process conditions, had poor yield and high impurity levels, and

In the specific case of Scunthorpe, fitting EAFs would likely mean a reduced product range, at least initially. It would not be able to produce all the same grades or volumes of steel without major additional investment and potentially a shift in business model. EAFs affect product capability as the feedstock is different resulting in different steel quality. Scunthorpe specialises in long products, including rails (Network Rail is a major buyer), sections and beams, and wire rod for reinforcement and industrial use. Many of these require strict consistency, high strength-to-weight ratios and specific surface and microstructure characteristics. Any facility based around EAFs would need to also include advanced secondary metallurgy, high-quality DRI or virgin scrap is used consistently and the rolling and finishing processes would need to be upgraded.

Without these upgrades (which are not normally proposed for net zero transition projects), the product range would likely reduce to commodity-grade sections and bars, rebar, and mid-grade rod and rail (if specifications allow). British Steel may need to import semi-finished billet or bloom for certain products that EAFs can’t make in-house. Customers such as Network Rail may need to relax tolerances or specifications (unlikely), or find alternative supply chains.

It is interesting to consider the implications…moving to EAF would potentially mean that 30% of the current production could not be made at Scunthorpe any more and would have to be imported, probably from China, India or Turkey. If Chinese imports were used, there would be more GHG emissions associated with the production and there would be additional emissions from shipping. Bulk items such as this are particularly carbon intensive to ship long distances.

ChatGPT estimates current emissions to be 6.0 million tonnes CO₂e/year. Under a future EAF + imports scenario, Scunthorpe would produce c70% of products (lower-spec, EAF-suitable) with 30% of high-spec products imported from China:

EAF Scunthorpe emissions

Switching Scunthorpe to EAF and importing hard-to-make products would halve total emissions but imports would account for over 2 MtCO₂e/year.

Row over losing “virgin” steel capability

Maintaining a virgin steel production capability is considered important for strategic independence – if the UK loses the capability to produce steel from raw materials, it becomes dependent on imports, including from potentially unstable or hostile regions such as China, India and Turkey. In a crisis or conflict, supply chains could be disrupted, and access to critical materials constrained. Quality could also be compromised.

Virgin steel is often needed for military hardware including tanks, ships, aircraft landing gear, missile casings. Submarine hulls and naval armour often require high-toughness, low-impurity steel, and aerospace forgings need consistent alloying. Defence customers tend to require steel with known provenance, controlled composition, and high integrity all of which domestically produced virgin steel can more reliably provide.

Virgin steel offers tighter tolerances on carbon and alloying elements. Some applications such as high-pressure pipelines and structural beams in critical infrastructure require low-residual steels, which are difficult to guarantee from scrap.

In the energy sector, high quality virgin steel is used in high-pressure pipelines. It is also used in nuclear applications where material traceability and purity are vital – the fraud at the Le Creusot forge took the French nuclear fleet offline while pressure vessels were tested for the presence of excess carbon which can result in steel embrittlement – obviously very undesirable in nuclear pressure vessels.

Reactor pressure vessels operate under extreme pressures and temperatures for decades (40–60+ years). They require low-impurity, high-purity ferritic steel with precisely controlled levels of carbon, phosphorus, sulphur and copper (which also causes embrittlement under neutron irradiation). Scrap steel often contains uncontrolled residual elements such as copper, nickel, tin which can compromise radiation tolerance and fracture resistance even when present in small amounts. Nuclear regulators require full traceability of materials, from the ore to the final forging, something scrap-based steels cannot provide.

If the blast furnaces at the British Steel plant in Scunthorpe close the UK would lose all domestic virgin steel production, becoming the only G7 nation without it. Other countries including the US, France and Germany are maintaining at least a baseline primary steel capacity for strategic purposes, despite having strong net zero commitments in the case of Germany in particular. Using imported steel from potentially hostile nations for building submarine hulls and tanks would be extremely foolish.

However, some of these arguments are spurious since British Steel does not produce military grade steel in the first place. But this does not mean it would be a good idea to lose its blast furnaces. The two most compelling reasons for this are firstly that it is difficult to retrofit EAFs into plant built for blast furnaces, and secondly because blast furnaces are simply useful and provide valuable diversification because they are self-sustaining and do not require a power source – the coal feedstock also powers the furnace meaning there is no reliance on gas or electricity supplies. This is a particular benefit as concerns grow around power grid resilience. Scunthorpe also would have to wait until 2032 to get the grid connection necessary for an EAF.

Ironically, the blast furnaces at Port Talbot were more suited to defence-grade adaptations since the site made flat steel used in automotive, construction and packaging industries and was closer to UK aerospace and energy supply chains. Tata also had greater technical capacity, including R&D. However, a combination of Scunthorpe being the last blast furnaces, and the actions of Jingye in not scheduling feedstock supplies which gives the appearance of trying to harm UK interests, prompted Government action in this case.

A further caveat to all of this, is the nationalisation in 2021 of Sheffield Forgemasters which uses EAF specifically to supply the Ministry of Defence with high quality military grade steel of the type usually produced in a blast furnace. Sheffield is a very specific case where the electric arc furnaces are paired with ladle furnaces and vacuum degassing systems which allow for precise adjustment of alloying elements and the removal of gases such as hydrogen and nitrogen which is essential for defence-grade materials. In addition, the feedstock is not random scrap as in most EAFs. The plant uses known-origin materials, sometimes blending DRI, low-residual scrap, or even virgin pig iron, which allows for the control of impurities such as copper, tin, and phosphorus, which are problematic in standard EAF steel. Finally, Sheffield specialises in forgings, not long or flat products, which go through extensive heat treatment, machining, and testing under defence standards.

While it is theoretically possible to adapt British Steel plant at Scunthorpe to a similar specification, this is unrealistic. The capex requirement for installing an electric arc furnace with full secondary metallurgy and high-integrity casting facilities would be of the order of £500 million to over £1 billion. It would also require significant process change – British Steel is currently a long products, bulk production operation. It does not specialise in ultra-clean, high-integrity forgings or flat products. Re-tooling to support nuclear-grade or submarine-grade steel would require retraining, recertification, and a change in quality philosophy and customer base.

The Scunthorpe site is optimised for volume rails, rods, beams, and construction steel and unlike Sheffield Forgemasters, it has no history of producing defence-critical forgings or operating under MoD contracts. Nationalising Sheffield Forgemasters made more sense as it was already part of the defence supply chain and had unique capabilities including very large forging presses and machining. Under Ministry of Defence ownership it is not expected to be profitable, but to deliver a critical capability.

In summary, much of the hysteria about retaining a virgin steel-making capability for military applications is over-blown. It is worth preserving this capability in general given the self-reliance of the process, but Port Talbot would have been a better candidate for intervention given its superior capabilities. In any case, converting Scunthorpe to EAF makes little sense. It would be more cost-effective to close the site and build an entirely new plant elsewhere using EAF, in a location that has lower electricity grid constraints.

Row over nationalisation and Chinese involvement

Many people, including Labour MPs, are celebrating the “fact” that British Steel has been nationalised. But this is not actually what the Steel Industry (Special Measures) Act 2025 does.

The Act has given the Government powers to direct the operations of the company in order to preserve the act of steelmaking. In fact the pre-amble of the Act explains this: “An Act to make provision about powers to secure the continued and safe use of assets of a steel undertaking.”

Should the owners refuse to comply with the Secretary of State’s directions, then the Government has the powers to take British Steel into pubic ownership:

“4. The powers exercisable by the Secretary of State by virtue of subsection (2) include(for example)—

  • entering, using force if necessary, the premises where the specified assets are situated (and the Secretary of State may for that purpose be accompanied by any person);
  • preventing the disposal of, or other dealings in respect of, the specified assets;
  • taking whatever steps the Secretary of State considers appropriate for the purposes of securing the continued and safe use of the specified assets;
  • requiring any person on the premises, or any other person who has dealings with the specified assets or with the steel undertaking, to give whatever assistance the Secretary of State may reasonably require for the purposes of taking those steps.
  1. The steps that may be taken under subsection (4)(c) include (for example)—
  • entering into agreements, including contracts of employment;
  • appointing officers of the steel undertaking;
  • exercising any function of management;
  • the making of loans or the giving of other financial assistance;
  • the payment of salaries and other benefits to persons working for the steel undertaking.
  • Expenses incurred by the Secretary of State in, or in connection with, the exercise of powers under this section are recoverable as a debt due to the Crown from—
  • the steel undertaking, or
  • a group undertaking in relation to the steel undertaking.”

The Act also says compensation may be paid to the owners of British Steel in respect of any actions taken by the Government under that Act.

MPs are also fighting over the Chinese ownership in the first place. The owners have been accused of deliberately scaling back the delivery of raw materials to cause a cold shutdown of the blast furnaces to further China’s strategic goals. While China controls a good portion of natural resources, either directly or through strategic alliances around the world, it has an even more dominant position in mineral processing with a 100% share of global refined supply for natural graphite and dysprosium, over 90% for manganese, 70% for cobalt, almost 60% for lithium and around 40% for copper.

UK Governments have had a hokey-cokey approach to relations with China. One minute they are all in, the next minute they are out. Then they are in again… A few years ago Chinese companies were banned from 5G telecom infrastructure, but Chinese firms still own stakes in other UK infrastructure, although in most cases these are minority stakes meaning they do not have control. However, these stakes provide them with access and potentially valuable information about how key assets are being operated.

Some have criticised the EU’s approach to “golden shares” where governments held a small stake, sometimes as low as a single share, which gave them extraordinary powers to prevent certain changes in control. In 2002 the European Court of Justice struck down golden share regimes in Portugal (Energias de Portugal) and France (Elf Aquitaine), while upholding a more tailored regime in Belgium. Golden share arrangements in the UK (British Airports Authority), Italy (ENEL) and Spain (Repsol, Endesa, Relefonica and others) were also struck down. The Court held that all state measures that prevent or deter cross-border investment within the EU may breach fundamental EC Treaty provisions on the free movement of capital and the freedom of establishment, with the only exceptions relating to protecting a legitimate public interest as long as they do not discriminate against investors from other EU member states.

Since Brexit, the UK has more flexibility over golden shares, and could have introduced one in relation to British Steel. However, selling what was at the time (2020) one of only two producers of virgin steel in the UK to a Chinese business was always a risky proposition.

Would UK steel making be competitive using EAFs?

A key driver of uncompetitiveness is the high industrial electricity price paid by UK steel makers. Despite exemptions from subsidy and capacity market costs under the Supercharger regime, carbon taxes still apply and amount to £200-300 million per year (it’s hard to estimate based on publicly available information). A move to electric arc furnaces would remove much of the requirement to pay carbon taxes since coal would no longer be consumed on site. Unfortunately the reduction would still leave the effective electricity price higher than in other countries, significantly so in some cases such as the US.

The real challenge for competitiveness is not so much electricity prices, but the use of subsidies in other countries. Steel makers elsewhere in Europe benefit from various subsidies but still struggle to be profitable – Germany announced plans to increase its subsidies late last year to address this lack of profitability. The real competitors for UK steel makers are in the US and Asia. The US benefits from much cheaper energy following the shale revolution which makes oil and gas in the US very cheap. Despite this, the US subsidises its steel industry. Other major competitors are in Japan, South Korea and China, all of whom also subsidise their steel industries, particularly in relation to low carbon steel.

So despite a move to greener production methods (and the fact that the import-related emissions would be excluded from any charging mechanism, at least for as long as no carbon border adjustment mechanism is in place), UK steel would still be uncompetitive, and British Steel would likely still be loss-making unless the government were to offer subsidies matching those available in other countries.

So what does all of this mean?

The UK steel industry has been unprofitable for years, primarily as a result of high energy costs and carbon taxes, and its overseas competitors receiving generous subsidies. Pressures to “green” steel-making are further undermining their business cases. The Scunthorpe plant contains the UK’s last blast furnaces. They are old and need replacing, but despite the technical and operational challenges with retrofitting electric arc furnaces, and the long lead time for a grid connection to power them, the Government appears to prefer the EAF option to new blast furnaces. (ChatGPT tells me it would take 18-24 months longer to retrofit EAFs at Scunthorpe than to install new blast furnaces, excluding the delay for the grid connection).

Steel making accounts for just 2.4% of UK greenhouse gas emissions, and a significant proportion of the emissions reductions achieved through switching to EAF would be offset by the increased emissions from having to import some of the Scunthorpe product portfolio which cannot be produced in a typical EAF. It would make more sense to replace the aging blast furnaces at Scunthorpe with new blast furnaces. This would give resilience and maintain a useful source of virgin steel, even if it is not military grade, and would avoid a reliance on imports for the higher-grade products currently made there.

Of course, coking coal needs to be sourced, and this should come from the closest mines possible – shipping coal from Australia makes no sense. The UK has plenty of coal deposits including the Midlothian field in Scotland and the Aberpergwm Colliery in Wales both of which produce coals suitable for coking (Aberpergwm produces high-grade anthracite with low sulphur and ash content which is suitable for certain metallurgical processes).

But the key challenges are to deal with the UK’s high industrial electricity prices. Even with exemptions from subsidy and capacity market costs, UK steel making is uncompetitive. Use of EAF would remove the requirement to pay carbon taxes which would help but unfortunately the residual electricity price would still be uncompetitive and British Steel would still be unprofitable. It’s likely that the only way to truly make the business viable would be through subsidies. The Government needs to decide how important it is to retain steel making in the UK, whether it values a virgin steel production capacity and whether supporting a structurally uncompetitive business with taxpayer money is worthwhile.

Until these questions have an answer, claims that British Steel has been “saved” are very premature. ​

Source: Watt-Logic

 

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